Racist Zionism 04: Lilienblum, Pinsker, Herzl
Russia 1881 - Lilienblum with westernization project - Pinsker's "autoemancipation" with a "Jewish state" - Lueger, Dreyfus and Herzl's "Jewish State" ("Jew State") - Herzl and racist Zionist Congresses - Herz with exile government - shekel - Colonial bank - racist Herzl and the governments
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1072: racist Herzl at the Suez Canal, arms folded, with members of the El-Arish investigation commission, March 1903. Courtesy Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem
from: Zionism; In: Encyclopaedia Judaica 1971, vol. 16
presented by Michael Palomino (2008)
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THE SHOCK OF THE 1880s; POLITICAL ZIONISM
[[The consequences of the nation philosophy that Jews would be a "nation" brought all Jews into the position that they were "enemies" where they lived. It seems there was not one single Jewish leader fighting for the Jews as a religion and attacking the anti-Semitic church. So there was also a "national" anti-Semitism created: By every national occasion the Jews were attacked as foreigners or enemies and said to them to go to Palestine, partly with heavy pogroms, and the "Christian" church did not ban this, in Russia the Orthodox church. The "Christians" were pleased when the Jews left and their work could be done by "Christians" and Jewish flats and houses could be taken over by "Christians". Also this madness was never stopped, and since 1948 the racist Zionist apply this tactic against the Arabs in Palestine...]]
[The murder of the czar of 1881 and pogroms against the Jews in Russia - mass emigration to the criminal racist "USA"]
Modern Zionism began with need and in disillusion. The new thinking was a reaction to dramatic and tragic events in Russia. Czar Alexander II was assassinated early in 1881 by revolutionaries, among whom there was one young Jewess in a minor role. Immediately thereafter a wave of pogroms spread all over the country. The physical results of the murder and pillage were dire, but the moral impact of these outrages was even more devastating. It was commonly believed that the perpetrators of these attacks were encouraged and even organized by governmental circles; it was certainly beyond doubt that the authorities did little to defend the Jews against the pillagers and murderers. What was perhaps even more upsetting, at least to elements of the advanced Jewish intelligentsia, was that many liberal and revolutionary circles did not defend the Jews but preferred to see in these outbreaks the first stirrings of social change, in which the Jews were being attacked for their supposed exploitation of the Russian peasants and laborers. The whole system of anti-Jewish restrictions had locked the Jews of Russia into a few miserable middleman occupations, in which they could not help but be "unproductive"; the Jews were as much victims as those whom they were supposedly victimizing. Yet all this was ignored by so advanced a group as the leaders of the populist (Narodnik) movement, even though there were some Jews among them, as they hailed the pogroms as the first necessary revolutionary convulsion.
The conclusion drawn on all sides from this shock was that there was no future for Jews in Russia in the existing regime.
[[It seems there was no discussion about stupid nationalism which made the Jews an enemy in every country. To be Jewish is a religion and no nation, but this - as it seems - was never said]].
A segment of the Jewish intelligentsia turned to revolution and lost all hope in the possibilities of reform in the land. Great masses followed in the path of the substantial trickle of emigration that had begun in the 1870s, and, despairing of any economic future in Russia, they moved westward, chiefly to the [[criminal racist]] United States. In the years between 1881 and 1914 some 2,600,000 Jews from Russia and its immediate neighbors [[within the Pale of Settlement]] emigrated to the "new land" [[which all was robbed from the natives]].
[Racist Zionist conclusions: Lilienblum with westernization project - Pinsker with Autoemancipation pamphlet for a "Jewish state"]
Some contemporary figures, chiefly Leon Pinsker and Moshe Leib Lilienblum, drew other conclusions. They did not believe that hatred of Jews was limited to Russia alone or that the problem was ultimately to be solved by emigration to friendlier countries or even by the achievement of emancipation in legal theory. The young Lilienblum was in Odessa in 1881 as an "enlightener", a maskil, completing his own secular education, in the certainty that the road to freedom for Jews required their westernization, which would then make them acceptable to "benevolent Russia". He was then also mildly socialist in his political outlook. But cowering before the pogrom mob, it became clear to him, as he was soon to write, that the revolution might take place and yet not bring freedom to the Jews; that they might still be excluded and hated even in a new order; and that the future of Jews lay in the restoration of Jewish nationhood.
[[The main anti-Semitic force, the racist Orthodox church, and the fact that to be Jewish is a religion and not a nation - is never mentioned in the article. But now comes Pinsker's Autoemancipation pamphlet which is absolutely crazy and perverse and even giving will to politic anti-Semitism that Jews would be "alien", and only in the criminal and racist "USA" would be a future for the Jews]]:
The more important, and more famous, immediate reaction to the pogroms and to the failure of hope which attended them, was that of an even more committed "enlightener", Leon Pinsker. He left Russia for Central Europe in those months to search for allies for his new views, which he published in German in a pamphlet called Autoemancipation. The simple assertion of this essay was that anti-Semitism, which he called Judophobia, was a permanent psychopathological phenomenon, not only a social one, so long as the Jews were a "ghost nation" - everywhere a minority and nowhere a normal national majority, everywhere "guests" and nowhere "hosts". Anti-Semitism was "xenophobia", the hatred of the stranger, but it differed from all the usual varieties of such tensions, if not in kind (col. 1042)
then in degree, as it was the longest lasting and most pervasive form of this malaise. In the light of pogroms Pinsker finally rejected the notion that any amount of change by Jews to make themselves over into the image of their gentile neighbors could finally gain them acceptance in the majority society. He thus agreed with the anti-Semites that by their ill-will they had proved their case, that the Jews were irretrievably and forever alien, and that the dream of assimilation was not possible, not because the Jews could not assimilate but because the majority would not let them.
It followed rationally from these premises that the way to solve the Jewish problem was to remove the Jews from the places of their dwelling, from the situation of abnormality surrounded by hatred, to a territory of their own where they would become a normal nation. Such a place was not necessarily the land of the ancestors in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]], though Pinsker was aware that there were historic and emotional ties to the land, but rather the most readily available land that was suitable for settlement, preferably on the American continent, where Jews could develop their own autonomy [[by the destruction of the natives]].
For aloof his disbelief in the promise of the era of the emancipation that Jews would be personally accepted as equals in Europe, Pinsker's outlook was still emancipatory, still rooted in the desire to engineer the acceptance of the Jews as equals in the modern world. What was new was that Pinsker saw this world as consisting of nations which disliked foreigners, so Jews had to cease being foreign by becoming a proper nation. He was in the first stage of awareness that such national equality was not granted as a gift from on high, because the peoples were not generous, but rather as a result of the national effort of those who desired their national dignity.
[[So Pinsker saw all other nations as enemies without considering the racist "Christian" anti-Semitic church as the main force of anti-Semitism. Pinsker was absolutely politically blind, and many Jews followed this blind racist Zionist,and above all many "Christian" statesmen used his paper for new political anti-Semitism within the new wave of Racism and Darwinism which was taught also at universities legally...]]
[The echo to the Pinsker pamphlet - Dreyfus affair and Herzl's "Jewish State"]
Those to whom Pinsker turned in western Europe showed sympathy for him but thought that he had been totally unnerved by the sight of the pogroms in his country. In Russia itself the few who organized the Hibbat Zion (Ḥibbat Zion) movement in 1882 were motivated also by other impulses than the national theorizing of Pinsker. Their concerns were, like those of Alkalai and Kalischer of the previous generation, a blend of the older, religious longing for the messianic restoration of Zion and the new language of modern nationalism, allied to the notion that gradual settlement in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] was at least a step in the direction of the ultimate consummation. Pinsker reluctantly found in these groups the only possible adherents and he consented to become their leader.
Ahad (Aḥad) Ha-Am, his younger contemporary who was to become the major ideologist of this strand of Zionism, insisted after Pinsker's death, and in contrast with [[racist]] Theodor Herzl, that Pinsker's major concerns had been "the revival of the spirit", i.e., the renaissance of the Hebraic culture in a modern key, and that he had never wavered from his commitment to Zion as the only possible land for the endeavor of a Jewish renaissance - and, for that matter, that Pinsker had never dreamed of more than an elite, representative Jewish community in the Land. All this was fairly adequate as a statement of Ahad (Aḥad) Ha'am's own premises, but [[racist]] Theodor Herzl was thoroughly right in his assertion that, had he known of the existence of Pinsker's Autoemancipation, he would not have written Der Judenstaat [[The Jewish State (correctly translated: "The Jew State")]]. Herzl's [[racist]] views were indeed almost exactly those of his Russian predecessor.
[[By Pinsker and Herzl all Jews are blamed to be enemies of other nations, and it seems that there was no Jewish force to eliminate these racist Zionists Pinsker and Herzl and to bring the discussion down on the religious level against the main enemy of the Jews: the criminal anti-Semitic "Christian" church...]]
[Herzl: factors Dreyfus and Lueger - the racist Zionist booklet "The Jewish State" (correctly translated: "The Jew State")]
It is now no longer believed that Herzl wrote Der Judenstaat [[Germ.: The Jewish State (correctly translated: "The Jew State")]] in immediate reaction to the beginnings of the Dreyfus Affair, which he witnessed and on which he reported as the correspondent in Paris of the leading daily paper of Vienna. Herzl's shift from a fashionable journalist who believed in the assimilation of Jews into the majority culture had begun earlier, in reaction to renewed anti-Semitic (col. 1043)
agitation of the German-speaking world in the 1880's culminating in Karl *Lueger's appointment as mayor of Vienna on an anti-Semitic platform. Kaiser Franz Joseph had vetoed his election three times, but that such a party could prevail in cosmopolitan Vienna was a major shock.
[[All other parties had failed to bring Vienna forward in structural questions, so Lueger was the best one and well loved by the Vienna population in spite of his anti-Semitism. And the "Christian" anti-Semites now used the Jewish Zionist arguments against the Jews. Of course this is not mentioned in Encyclopaedia Judaica. With racist Herzl political Zionism against the Arabs got into a "new round" claiming that all Arabs could be driven away and could be enslaved, reed his booklet. Of course this is not mentioned in Encyclopaedia Judaica...]]
The beginnings of anti-Jewish agitation in the very home of the emancipation, Paris, where the French Revolution had first given equality to some European Jews in 1791, could only confirm that the trouble was real, and pervasive. Herzl was, if anything, even less involved in Jewish cultural concerns than Pinsker, who had been a leader of the "enlighteners" before his conversion to Jewish nationalism and had even so labored among his people in that period. What gave particular bite to Herzl's views was that he made no distinction, explicit or implicit, between "Eastern" and "Western" Jews. This (and not some intellectual belief in the indivisibility of the Jewish spirit) was the meaning, in the context of his thinking and writing in 1896, of his oft-quoted sentence, "We are a people - one people".
What he saw was one Jewish situation all over the world, that of a national group which was an anomaly. His first thought had been that of total assimilation and at first he even fantasized about the possibility of leading all Jews to the great cathedral of St. Stephan in Vienna, where their baptism would make an end of anti-Semitism. He turned away from this "solution" (in which he had been preceded by such figures as David Friedlaender and Napoleon a century earlier, at the dawn of the ear of emancipation) because he knew that it would not work, that anti-Semites hated Jews even after they were totally assimilated. Herzl therefore proceeded to argue in Der Judenstaat [[booklet "The Jewish State" (correctly translated: "The Jew State")]], exactly like Pinsker,that the essence of the Jewish problem was not individual but national and that the Jews could gain acceptance in the world only if they ceased being a national anomaly. [[Herzl never mentions the main anti-Semitic force: the criminal anti-Semitic church]]. He too spoke of the creation of a commission which would survey the possible territories on which the Jewish State would be founded and he left open the question as to whether it would be better to opt for Palestine with its historic associations or for some vacant land in Argentina [[which was robbed from the natives]].
Intellectually, what was original in Herzl's analysis was his dialectic use of the conception of anti-Semitism as a "reasonable" form of hatred of the unlike. Herzl argued, on the basis of his bold assertion that he alone understood this phenomenon correctly, that even anti-Semites could and would be enlisted in laboring for a Jewish State, for it would help them solve problems that they had with Jews, who were "unnecessary" in the host societies and whose very existence disturbed social peace. Since he accepted without question that men were reasonable and not demonic (Herzl went so far as to say that the emancipation was basically irreversible), he could only presume that history would inevitably move forward and produce the only possible solution to the tension between the Jews and the majority society, a Jewish State.
[[The Arabs should be driven away and should be enslaved. Herzl also mentioned that eventually gold mines could be found in Palestine and managed like in South Africa. It is clear who should dig in the gold mines: In South Africa these were the blacks, and the Arabs should be treated like the blacks in South Africa. Of course this is not mentioned in Encyclopaedia Judaica..]]
The very nobility of his person, the appearance of a man who suggested the ancient prophet and seemed the equal of great statesmen of his own day, lent resonance to Herzl's words, and he was particularly moving to masses of Jews in eastern Europe precisely because he was a "Westerner" come back to his people. His tactics were perhaps even more important as an original contribution to the formation of the [[racist]] Zionist movement. Into the teeth of the anti-Semites who had made the word "Jew" into an insult, and of the assimilationists who used such circumlocution as "Hebrew" and "Israelite", he spoke boldly of the Judenstaat [[Jewish State]], which means not "The Jewish State" but, literally, "The Jew State". He saw the Jewish question as an international political question to be attacked in the forum of international politics.
[Racist Herzl: racist Zionist Congresses - exile government - shekel - bank Jewish Colonial Trust]
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971), Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1045: Invitation to the First Zionist
Congress at Basle, 1897. It is signed by Herzl as head of the preparatory committee
and Marcus Ehrenpreis as secretary. Jerusalem, Central Zionist Archives.
He therefore organized the Zionist (col. 1044)
movement at the First Zionist Congress in 1987 in such fashion that the gathering had about it the aura of a Jewish parliament in session, and he made of his presidency of the movement something reminiscent of the role of a head of state or a prime minister. All of the new instruments that were created - the Zionist Congress as a political forum, the buying of the shekel as an act of allegiance to the national movement, a bank (The *Jewish Colonial Trust) to be financed by the buying of shares, and an official press in several languages to inform the adherents of the political activities of the central body and its principal leader - these did indeed constitute the adumbration of Herzl's bold assertion in his diary at the First Zionist Congress in 1897, "here I have created the Jewish State".
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971), Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1048: Herzl's diary for Sept. 3, 1897:
"Fasse ich den Baseler Congress in ein Wort zusammen - das ich mich hüten werde öffentlich auszusprechen - so ist es dieses: in Basel habe ich den Judenstaat gegründet, wenn ich das heute laut sagte, würde mir ein universelles Gelächter antworten. Vielleicht in fünf Jahren, jedenfalls in fünfzig wird es jeder einsehen."
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971), Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1048: Herzl's diary for Sept. 3, 1897. English translation:
"The summary of the Basle Congress in one word is like this - and I will never say this in public: In Basle I founded the Jewish State, but when I would say this in public there would be a universal laughing. Maybe in five yeras, certainly in fifty, everyone will realize it."
[[Arabs were not asked but should be driven away and be enslaved, see the racist Herzl booklet "The Jewish State" (correctly translated: "The Jew State"). Herzl never had seen any Arab...]]
In the few years that were given him at the head of [[racist]] Zionism, he held consistently, until near the very end of his days, to the line that only the attainment of a charter, of a political document granting Jews near-sovereign rights in the territory that they were to settle, was the first objective of [[racist]] Zionism. He therefore fought against turning the [[racist]]Zionist movement into an instrument of piecemeal settlement, and the aid that was given the early settlements in his lifetime, little though it was, was a concession that he made to his opponents in the movement, the "practical" [[racist]] Zionists.
[Herzl's imperialist drive against cultural Zionist lines]
Herzl bitterly opposed the turning of [[racist]] Zionism toward cultural endeavors either by linking it with the secular Hebrew revival or by coupling [[racist]] Zionism with the national religious orthodoxy of the Mizrachi faction which was arising near the end of his days. For that matter, even though he was himself a certain kind of aristocratic social reformer (he dreamed of a seven-hour day in the Jewish State [[for the Jews, not for the Arab slaves]] and even wanted its flag to contain seven stars to mark this social advance) Herzl opposed the setting up of the Socialist faction within [[racist]] Zionism. For him the movement that he had created existed for one purpose: (col. 1045)
the translation of "a people without a land" (col. 1045-1046)
to some "land without a people".
[[Arabs did not count]].
He did indeed turn his first and major ongoing efforts toward negotiating with the sultan of Turkey for a charter for Jews in Palestine or in its immediate vicinity, but those who opposed him in 1903, when he wanted to accept the proposal of the British Government for a Jewish settlement in East Africa (see *Uganda Scheme), were not entirely wrong in remembering that Herzl's commitment to Zion was unlike theirs, and that on theoretical grounds he had always remained a [[racist]] Zionist created by the "plight of the Jews" (Judennot), and not by cultural commitment.
Nonetheless, the bulk of Herzl's followers, even though all assented to his political vision of a national movement treated as an equal among the powers of the world, came to his [[racist]] Zionism with less clearcut, more complicated motivations. It was not only that individual parties and factions arose each of which wanted the future Jewish State to take a certain shape and to be constructed consciously in such a direction. More fundamentally, the needs that [[racist]] Zionism served among the mass of its East European believers were not always identical with those which had moved Pinsker and Herzl.> (col. 1046)
[[The fact that all Arabs should be driven away and be enslaved - and the fact that Herzl's madness was a war declaration against all Arabs and that Arab movements against the Jewish invasion came up by Herzl's madness of a "Jewish State" - is not mentioned in Encyclopaedia Judaica. Herzl had no success to find support by the white racist governments. See the details here]]:
<THE HERZL PERIOD
[Herzl wants to purchase a "Jewish State" - Hirsch blocks collaboration - racist Herzl booklet "The Jewish State"]
If Hovevei (Ḥovevei) Zion had sought to reach their goal by quiet and modest labor, [[racist]] Herzl's aim was to achieve a dramatic coup, to secure vast funds in order to obtain a guaranteed political basis ("Charter") for a large-scale settlement of Jews. Securing the cooperation of the Baron Hirsch or [[racist]] Baron de Rothschild and the consent of the sultan and the German kaiser looked like a shortcut to the goal. He believed that with "millions" it would be possible to obtain a charter or, with a charter, to obtain the millions. Hirsch and Rothschild had already been involved in assistance to Jews in the East in cooperation with the Alliance Israélite Universelle, which had established, inter alia, the first Jewish agricultural school near Jaffa in 1870. Rothschild extended a helping hand to the early settlements in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]], and Hirsch had set up the Jewish Colonization Association (ICA) with an endowment hitherto unheard of in Jewish affairs. [[Racist]] Herzl was received by Hirsch in June 1895 and the result was nil. It was after that interview that [[racist]] Herzl wrote Der Judenstaat [[The Jewish State, word for word: "The Jew State", with the prescription how the Arabs should be driven away and be enslaved, without any borderline definition, so this state was not a state...]]
The publication of this clarion call had several consequences. The Jewish national idea, hitherto discussed in small and uninfluential groups, became the subject of heated debate in wider circles. The excited support that came from various quarters - as well as criticism and derision - confirmed [[racist]] Herzl's instinctive feeling that the idea was viable. The territorial aspect also became clearer in his mind: it was to be the ancient homeland and not Argentina or some other place.
The keys to Palestine were to be found in Berlin and Constantinople. A man of action, [[racist]] Herzl took his first political steps. He began by seeking a way to approach [[racist]] William II, and the initial results were not discouraging. Anxious to make rapid progress, however, he went to Constantinople (June 1896) in an attempt to see Abdul Hamid II. This proved to be impossible, but [[racist]] Herzl (col. 1070)
spoke to a number of high officials and a minor order was conferred upon him in the sultan's name.
[Organization of a racist Herzl mass movement]
After further visits to London and Paris in search of political and financial backing, Herzl saw no alternative to organizing a mass movement. Support of a growing number of [[racist]] Zionist groups, especially of students and youth, and encouragement from some Jewish notables enabled him to brush aside the opposition of the assimilated and of rabbinical circles (even Hibbat (Ḥibbat) Zion remained cool, fearing Baron Rothschild's displeasure).
The First [[racist]] Zionist Congress met in Basle, Switzerland, in August 1897 and, amid scenes of great [[racist]] enthusiasm [[against the Arabs]], adopted the following formulation of its aim:
"Zionism seeks to establish a home for the Jewish people in Palestine secured under public law."
[[The Arabs were not asked but were organizing systematic resistance since the racist Herzl booklet "The Jewish State" had come out...]]
The Congress also created the instrument for the implementation of its plan: the [[racist]] World Zionist Organization. [[Racist]] Herzl wrote in his diary the prophetic words:
"In Basle I founded the Jewish State." [[the racist Jewish State against the Arabs]]
And he added a forecast as to the date when the state will become a reality:
"... maybe in another five years, at the utmost fifty years."
It was 50 years later - almost to the day - that the highest international body, the United Nations, gave its stamp of approval [[and the never ending war of the Middle East Conflict was given a new drive. The war trap of Israel was born,, Israel was without borderline definitions, the racist Jewish army drove 1000s of Palestinians away and raped 1000s of Palestinian women, ethnic cleansing was normal, and the real aim was a "Greater Israel" according to 1st Mose chapter 15 phrase 18 from Nile to Euphrates. So this Israel without borderline definitions principally is not a state but a warmonger community]].
[The racist German kaiser is "moved" by the project to settle all Jews in Palestine - talks in Constantinople - no support for racist Herzl]
One of Herzl's immediate aims - turning the Jewish problems into a "world political problem" - had been achieved in part by the discussions that took place at the Congress itself, in the press, and in the public. Herzl could not have known, for instance, that the German embassy in Berne sent to Berlin a not unsympathetic account of the proceedings, or that this account reached the kaiser's desk and evoked [[racist]] William's remarking that he is all for the Jews moving to Palestine, "the sooner the better".
[[Also for the racist "kaiser" of Germany the Arabs did not count as it seems...]]
On the other hand, the German consul in Jerusalem made light of the Congress and characterized Zionist aims as utopian [[because he knew of the Arabs]].
There was to be a change in the kaiser's approach, however. Urged by the grand duke of Baden, one of the more liberal and influential princes in Germany, he reconsidered his previous attitude. On the eve of his visit to Constantinople and Jerusalem in 1898, the kaiser wrote to the grand duke that "the basic idea has interested me, indeed, moved me", and he had come to the conclusion that they were dealing with a "problem of far-reaching significance". Great importance was attached to Jews turning to Germany with gratitude, and he was ready to receive [[racist]] Herzl during his visit to Turkey. [[So a racist kaiser would meet a racist Zionist propagandist with a booklet]].
Anxious to have the [[racist]] kaiser put in a good word for [[racist]] Zionism in his talks with Abdul Hamid, [[racist]] Herzl obtained a preliminary audience with William in Constantinople (Oct. 18, 1898) and it seemed that the kaiser had received in a positive spirit both his views and his plea. Von Buelow, the German foreign minister showed little enthusiasm. It was decided that a [[racist]] Zionist delegation would be officially received by the monarch later, during his visit to Jerusalem. The second audience took place as planned (Nov. 2, 1898), but the spirit was almost totally different. It seemed that the [[racist]] kaiser mentioned the matter in his talks with the sultan, and the latter did not react. The final outcome of [[racist]] Herzl's tremendous effort had been deeply disappointing even though, on the credit side, the whole chapter added somewhat to Zionism's political weight in the eyes of the world, Jewish and non-Jewish.
[Racist Herzl in England with Armin Vambery and Abdul Hamid - Suez Canal commission - talks in Cairo in 1903 - question of water supplies]
In search of new approaches, [[racist]] Herzl sought contacts with England and even with Russia; nor was Constantinople written off as yet. Indeed, a new mediator - the orientalist Armin *Vambery - succeeded in obtaining the decisive audience with Abdul Hamid himself (May 17, 1901); but it proved fruitless. Coupled with the disheartening difficulties on the way to establishing the financial instruments of the movement, which were intended to help in obtaining the charter (the Jewish Colonial Trust), it brought Herzl (col. 1071)
to the realization that the old road led nowhere and the search would have to turn to other areas, closer to Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] or further away.
England was the first to be approached, and the territory in question was around *El Arish, on the southern border of Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]]. London was interested, as it sought to secure the eastern approaches to the Suez Canal. A commission of experts went out to explore the area, which, not unexpectedly, proved to be poor in agricultural land and water resources and could at best absorb a limited number of settlers. Herzl himself visited Cairo (in the spring of 1903) to negotiate with the British representative there, Lord Cromer, and with the Egyptian authorities, but he could not secure the main precondition for any attempt in El Arish - supplies of water from the Nile. This episode did not sever the first links with London.
[Racist Zionist Uganda project in collaboration with England - sleeping sickness - talks]
The second, and more serious suggestion, to come from there related to Uganda. The name Uganda stood then for a number of tribal areas in East Africa where British [[racist]] penetration - first [[racist church]] missionary, then [[racist]]commercial and military - went on through the 1870s and 1880s and originally did not prosper. In 1892 the British government decided to abandon the territory, but reversed itself under pressure of missionary and trade interests. Sleeping sickness killed about 250,000 people among the local tribes between 1901 and 1909. [[Racist]] Herzl did not know those details when British Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain first spoke to him about the place.
[Palestine talks with Russia - no support for racist Herzl - Uganda plan rejected by Sixth racist Zionist Congress - the arguments of the racist "political" and "practical" Zionists]
Before the matter came up officially, he made another attempt to tackle the Palestine issue by trying to obtain Russian support. In August 1903, several months after the *Kishinev pogrom, he traveled to St. Petersburg and interviewed the notorious minister of interior Plehve (who was assassinated within less than a year) and the minister of finance Count Witte. Once again, the Russian government would not or could not help. On his return journey, he received official news of the new British proposal.
Uganda was not Zion. Herzl knew that and said so at the Sixth [[racist]] Zionist Congress, which met immediately after his visit to Russia. As long as Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] was not obtainable, however, the persecuted people needed a temporary asylum.
[[The main source for anti-Semitism - the criminal racist anti-Semitic church - is never mentioned in this article, and as it seems, the state presidents and kings did not see this either...]]
Opposition from the old, "pre-Herzlian" Zionists was to be expected, but it was sharper and more widespread than foreseen. In fact, it revealed an accumulation of old dissatisfactions in considerable sections of the movement, especially among the young. The affairs of [[racist]] Zionism were conducted in a way that was far from democratic. Had it produced results, the rank and file would have acquiesced; but all those comings and goings in spheres of "high diplomacy" led away from the main goal, which was Zion. (col. 1072)
[[without speaking with any Arab. But the Arabs could be driven away and would be the slaves of the Jews, as racist Herzl wrote in his booklet. Only the Jews in Palestine knew that there were Arab resistance groups already working against the Jewish settlements. Racist Herzl lead the Jews into a war trap...]]
The basic difference between the approach of the leadership and that of the critics became increasingly apparent. The "political Zionists" believed that immigration and settlement could only follow the grant of a "Charter", which would secure the rights of the Jewish people to the land; anything else would be "infiltration" doomed to fail. The "practical Zionists" believed that Jewish rights to Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] were self-evident; immigration and settlement there could not be called "infiltration" and had to proceed under all circumstances. Both sides, however, were conscious of the political significance of the British proposal: at last a mighty world power had recognized the national aspirations of the Jews and was willing to extend a helping hand.
[Uganda crisis - negative echo in the press - debate in House of Commons in June 1904 in London]
The Uganda Scheme became the Uganda crisis. The Sixth [[racist]] Zionist Congress did not reject the idea outright; with 295 delegates voting for, 178 against, and 132 abstentions, the movement formally accepted the leadership's proposal that a commission be elected to act in an advisory capacity when the Executive sent a mission to the area proposed by England. But the storm that broke loose came as a shock, and it was realized that it would be virtually impossible to proceed with the plan. There were also reports of strong opposition on the part of the British settlers in East Africa and criticism in England itself. Thus, the first debate on Zionism took place in the House of Commons in June 1904, with the participation of the prime minister, A.J. *Balfour and one of the opposition leaders, David *Lloyd George.
[Racist Herzl in Italy in 1904 - no support for racist Herzl - death of racist Herzl]
In the closing stages of the [[racist]] Zionist Congress, Herzl sought to conciliate the opposition and stressed his continued devotion to what he called "the only country where our people can find rest". But he felt that the breach could hardly be healed. After eight years of superhuman effort and tremendous personal sacrifices, he saw the end approaching. In a final spurt of energy he turned to Rome, where he was received at the beginning of 1904 by King Victor Emmanuel III and by Pope Pius X. The king displayed a warm interest, but there was not much that Italy could do. The pope was ice cold:
"If you come to Palestine and settle your people there, we shall prepare churches and priests to convert them."
Within a few months after these interviews, [[racist]] Herzl died.> (col. 1073)
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Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1041-1042
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1043-1044
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1045-1046
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1069-1070
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1071-1072
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1073-1074
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