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Encyclopaedia Judaica

Racist Zionism 10: No relation to the Arabs 1919-1939

Jews would "westernize" Palestine - riots - Jews emigrating from one battle field to another battle field - Arab attacks and the reasons - White Paper policy - racist Zionist center in Jerusalem since 1933 - Zionist plans for Palestine - Transjordan closed for Jews since 1931 - Muslim conference - strikes and British troops - partition plans

from: Zionism; In: Encyclopaedia Judaica 1971, vol. 16

presented by Michael Palomino (2008)

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[Escalation from Balfour Declaration to riots until 1929]

<Until the immediate aftermath of the Balfour Declaration the [[racist]] Zionist movement had given little serious thought to the question of the Arabs resident in Palestine.

[[The Balfour Declaration was vehemently fought by the Arabs]].

Moses Hess in 1861, a generation before Herzl, had imagined that a highly Westernized element such as the Jews would be welcomed by the Arabs because of the leadership that Jews would provide in creating in the entire region an advanced economy and an advancing society.

Chaim Weizmann took a comparable tack in 1919 in his encounters with the Arab leader of the time, the Emir Feisal, with whom he signed an agreement in this spirit.

[[Herzl said that all Arabs can be driven away and enslaved, see his booklet "The Jewish State". This is the real ideology of the racist Zionists, and of course, this is not mentioned in Encyclopaedia Judaica in this article...]]

The theme was that Jews and Arabs proposed to be good neighbors. [[This is a big big lie of the Encyclopaedia Judaica]].

However, such figures as Feisal, who was from the Hejaz, were alien to the immediate Palestinian Arab scene. The politically active elements in the local population were much more hostile and resentful. Despite large Jewish efforts toward conciliation, and the positive effect that such attempts did have on certain Arab circles, the dominant motif in Arab policy was to declare the Balfour Declaration to be an infringement on Arab rights and to insist that, at best, a limited Jewish minority could in the future live on Arab sufferance in the land. At every point in the interwar years at which Jewish immigration became of some consequence, there were Arab riots which invariably caused the British to issue further restrictions against the Jews.

[[These Arab riots took place because the Jewish Haganah was making civil war in Palestine with setting up villages over night in Arab land, and with destructing British and Turkish railway lines systematically, and this never stopped. Add to this ethnic cleansing which Herzl suggested was never eliminated from the racist Zionist program, and the Arabs knew this, and the Arabs never had agreed to the Balfour Declaration. Of course this is not written in Encyclopaedia Judaica. To the contrary the racist Zionist Jewish writers try to present the Arab as the general culprit mixing cause and effect...]]

This became particularly marked in the decade after 1929, when there were major riots by Arabs.

[[These riots were the only step to give a sign to the world that racist Jewish Zionist terror was going on in Palestine by racist Zionist Haganah]].

[[Racist]] Zionism had thus, perforce, to define itself in much more complicated terms than those of a "people without a land on the way to a land without a people".

[[So, the Arabs should be a people without land at the end. This was the thought of the racist Zionists...]]

The very example of its own energies and national purpose was helping to evoke some comparable national emotion among the Arabs in Palestine. In theory, throughout this period the bulk of the [[racist]] Zionist movement never surrendered the ultimate vision of a Jewish state, but the only wing of the movement which made of this the essence of its public position was the Revisionists. All the others concentrated on two immediate objectives: immigration, while trying not to displace Arabs in the process and to compensate generously the few displaced ones, feasible by constantly increasing the "absorptive capacity" of the land through new endeavors; and the devising of formulas for ongoing life together with the Arabs in which no absolute minority ceiling would be placed on the Jews.> (col. 1056)

[[These Zionist lies are very "kind". The truth was: The Arab population felt threatened, and they knew what was written in the racist Herzl booklet, and they knew what had happened to the natives in the criminal racist "USA", and they knew when they would not resist to the racist Zionist Jewish invasion they would be driven away and enslaved]].

[Jewish Agency since 1929 - Arab attacks - investigation and White Paper of 1930 - press protests - Sokolow follows Weizmann - racist Zionist center shifting to Jerusalem with racist Zionist Ben-Gurion since 1933]

<After lengthy preparatory work, the first conference of the "enlarged" Jewish Agency met in Zurich in 1929 in the presence of a number of outstanding Jews of the generation, among them Albert Einstein, Leon Blum, H.N. Bialik, Shalom Asch, Louis Marshall, and others. The impression produced by this remarkable gathering had been powerful, and the hopes it reawakened were great. But the reaction in Palestine came (col. 1082)

almost immediately. After months of Arab incitement motivated by the most potent of weapons - Muslim religions hatred aimed at depriving the Jews of their traditional rights at the Western Wall - there came a wave of murderous attacks. The outbreak was followed by two inquiries. An international commission studies and reported on rights of access to the Western Wall, and a British commission reviewed the political aspects of the situation. The resultant White Paper (1930) issued by the colonial secretary, Lord Passfield (the Labor leader Sidney Webb), led to Weizmann's resignation as president of the Jewish Agency as a protest and a sign that the government can no longer expect his cooperation. A storm followed in the press and in the British Parliament. Official explanations were published by Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald, but they could but slightly reduce the damage done.

Weizmann's own position became untenable, and at the 1930 [[racist]] Zionist Congress Sokolow was elected president in his place. No essential change in the policy of the movement, however, followed. Indeed, Chaim *Arlosoroff, who took over the Jewish Agency's Political Department in Jerusalem from Kisch (who resigned before the Congress), had been Weizmann's devoted disciple. It was also the first time that a representative of [[racist]] Zionist Labor had been entrusted with the political portfolio, which was to remain in Labor hands. Furthermore, with [[racist Zionist leader]] Weizmann away from his old office in London, the center of [[racist]] Zionist policy-making gradually moved to Jerusalem, and this shift was virtually completed after [[racist Zionist leader]] Ben-Gurion joined the Executive in 1933.

[[Why were there Arab attacks? There was
-- racist Jewish Zionist illegal immigration
and there were
-- racist Jewish Zionist overnight settlements in Arab and in forbidden territory.
This is said in the article "History" of Encyclopaedia Judaica]].

[Racist Zionist center of Jerusalem in the 1930s: the persons - Hitler Germany and German Jewish immigrants]

Kisch was the model civil servant; Arlosoroff was the statesman-philosopher. Realizing that no change in the situation could be expected unless there was some progress toward a modus vivendi with the Arabs, Arlosoroff was determined to concentrate much of his work in this field. Consequently, he appointed Moshe Shertok (*Sharett) as secretary of the department for his knowledge of Arabic and his strong ties with the country. Arlosoroff's brief term, less than two years (he was murdered on the Tel Aviv seashore in June 1933), coincided with the first years of service of the [[racist Empire]] British high commissioner, Sir Arthur Wauchope. The two established a sincere mutual understanding, and this played a part in government actions when, at the beginning of the [[Nazi]] Hitler regime, it became imperative that Palestine be opened to a large number of immigrants from Germany.

Nonetheless, Arlosoroff also came to the conclusion that although there was no immediate alternative to the former political course of the movement, future alternatives had to be explored. He considered Revisionist demands for a complete change of the system of government in Palestine as unrealistic. But the road hitherto followed, without greater political assistance from Britain and vast sums from the Jewish people, would clearly not bring [[racist]] Zionism nearer to its goal [[to drive away all Arabs and to enslave them, read the Herzl booklet "The Jewish State"]].

[Racist Zionist leader planning cantons like Swiss system - the budget of the Zionists in Jerusalem]

The world situation also militated against it. In 1932 Arlosoroff foresaw a new international conflagration "in five to ten years". It was imperative to elaborate alternative, even "revolutionary", plans, while continuing to "muddle through". The ideas discussed in those days included plans for the division of the country into "cantons" on Swiss lines. This was an old suggestion made by Jacobson, then head of the [[racist]] Zionist Office at the seat of the League of Nations in Geneva. More radical proposals spoke of establishing a Jewish state in a part of the country where Jews formed a large section of the population (by then the yishuv [[Jewish population in Palestine before 1948]] counted about 180,000).

In spite of their vital importance, long-range issues had to give way to urgent current problems, and even these could not be adequately handled when the budget of the Political Department in Jerusalem amounted to $20,000 a (col. 1083)

year.

[White Paper of 1931: English rule says: Transjordan is closed for racist Zionist Jewish settlement - Arab leaders for understanding with the Jews are weakened - Muslim Conference under Hājj Amin al-Husseini]

The latest White Paper (1931) brought in its wake additional inquiries into the problems of land and absorptive capacity - or lack of it, according to British experts. The Jewish Agency tried to reopen the question of settlement in Transjordan; a group of influential sheikhs entered into negotiations with the Jewish Agency on the subject, presumably not without Emir Abdullah's knowledge. The British were adamant: Transjordan was to remain closed to Jewish settlement [[otherwhise there would have been a Jewish Empire already in the 1930s...]]

Such policies could only weaken the position of the few Arab leaders who were inclined to some sort of understanding with the Jews [[but these Arab leaders had not read the Herzl booklet "The Jewish State" and the 1st Mose chapter 15 phrase 18, as it seems]].

Desultory attempts to open discussions wit them ere made during those years by prominent yishuv personalities (J.L. Magnes, Rutenberg, Moshe *Smilansky) and, less important, by a small group called Berit Shalom, which was seeking a bi-national solution. They found, however, no one in the Arab camp able to enter into binding agreements [[because racist Empire Britain had the power and Arabs were forbidden to form national states]]. The mufti of Jerusalem, Hājj Amin al-*Husseini, intended to turn the Palestine problem into a general Muslim problem by calling a Muslim Conference in Jerusalem.

[[The mufti was right to invoke a all Muslim conference, because racist Zionist Herzl says in his booklet "The Jewish State" that the Arabs should be driven away and enslaved, and there were no borderlines indicated, the racist Zionist were operating with the borderlines of 1st Mose chapter 15 phrase 18 for a Jewish Empire from Nile to Euphrates. This was a "big thing" and needed all Arab solidarity. The racist English colonial government did not at all handle with the racist Zionist aims and cover up the racist Zionist madness for a Jewish Empire between Nile and Euphrates - but sent troops, and by this there was a civil war instead of a search for the real possibilities in the region...]]

[Tensions and strikes for national rights in the Middle East in the 1930s against racist France and Britain - 20,000 British troops in Palestine - British proposal for partition of the country]

Tension and agitation were also fostered by inciting broadcasts from Fascist Italy. In Egypt the beginning of the 1930s witnessed violent disturbances and a general strike in 1933. In the year 1937 independent Egypt was admitted to the League of Nations. The year 1936 saw a general strike in Syria, too, but French consent to grant Syria independence was later repudiated by Paris. Iraq, which joined the League of Nations in 1932, experienced a military coup in 1936. The examples proved infectious. In order to force the British to stop Jewish immigration and place Palestine under an Arab government, and also in order to subdue the moderates within the Arab camp itself, al-Husseini and his followers proclaimed an Arab national strike in 1936. It did not take long for what was supposed to be passive resistance to turn into open rebellion. An Arab Higher Committee was formed to conduct the struggle.

The inquiry instituted by the British this time was the most authoritative ever. A Royal Commission headed by Lord Peel had been appointed, and before it left for its destination, unusually stringent measures were taken in Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]] to restore a semblance of order, with the aid of almost 20,000 British troops. Formally, the Arab leaders only stopped the strike when called upon to do so by the rulers of Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Transjordan (Egypt was not among them), but later decided to boycott the commission because the government approved new immigration permits.

The commission stayed in the country from November 1936 until the end of January 1937, and toward the conclusion of its hearings Arab representatives testified before it in compliance with another call from the same rulers. The Jewish Agency appeared before the commission in full force, headed by [[racist Zionist leader]] Weizmann who was again its president (reelected in 1935). Sittings were held abroad as well, and statements were heard from Jabotinsky and Samuel, among others. Politically, the results were more dramatic than after any previous inquiry. The commission concluded that the Mandate proved to be unworkable because it was impossible to secure even the minimum of mutual understanding between the two sections of the population necessary for its implementation. After analyzing the various proposals for finding a way out of the impasse, the commission chose partition: dividing the country into a Jewish state, an Arab state, and a mandated zone which was to include Jerusalem. The establishment of a Jewish state had thus become for the first time a proposal from a formal British body. What could not have been foreseen was that at least three other commission would have to go into the matter and a second world war and the holocaust of European Jewry would be (col. 1084)

witnessed before the plan - largely modified - would be implemented.> (col. 1085)

[[During all this time there was civil war in Palestine between Arab and racist Zionist Jewish groups destroying English institutions and the railway lines]].

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Sources
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1055-1056
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1055-1056
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1081-1082
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1081-1082
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1083-1084
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1083-1084
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1085-1086
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1085-1086


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