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Encyclopaedia Judaica

Racist Zionism 13: DPs and more escalation in Palestine 1945-1947

Churchill replaced by Labor - hundreds of thousands of Jewish survivors of the Nazi camps - perhaps 1 mio. Jewish Displaced Persons in camps - racist Zionist propaganda in the "USA" - escalation in Palestine by Jewish troops - partition plans not accepted - Jewish terror groups in Palestine - London talks 1946 boycotted - Bevin plan not accepted - English government gives the case to the UN - Weizmann-Truman accord for the "outlet" on the Red Sea

from: Zionism; In: Encyclopaedia Judaica 1971, vol. 16

by Michael Palomino (2008)

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[[It's really a catastrophe what was going on here with the racist Zionist madness]]:

[Changes in racist British Empire - Churchill replaced by Labor - hundreds of thousands of survivors of Nazi camps]

<YEARS OF DECISION.

[[The racist Zionists were dominating the non-Zionists now with money and propaganda, and many of the surviving Jews in their helpless situation in Europe got victim of the Zionist Israel propaganda which never mentioned the Arabs...]]

The end of the war in Europe in May 1945 was followed by the fall of Churchill. Labor, which replaced him, had in the past displayed great sympathy for [[racist]] Zionism, and its party conference had just confirmed its promise to help the development of the National Home by making room for it through "extending the present Palestinian boundaries, by agreement with Egypt, Syria, or Transjordan". This urgent need for action soon became clear with the disclosure that it was necessary to aid in the rehabilitation of hundreds of thousands of survivors of Nazi camps. This could only be done through Anglo-American cooperation. The [[criminal racist]] United States had already become a factor in Middle Eastern affairs, militarily and economically [[by racist Zionist Jewish organizations and by oil connections]]. Now, because of its friendly ties with both Jews and Arabs, it was beginning to become involved politically as well.> (col. 1087)

["Perhaps 1 million Jewish refugees" in DP camps in Europe - the preparation of Middle East conflict]

[[...]]

<Some of the brutalities that the Nazis had perpetrated were to be seen in Italy, as the Jewish Brigade advanced within the Allied army; and as the war was ending, the men of the Brigade began the work of finding friendly out-of-the-way ports and cooperative officials elsewhere to make it possible to transport to Palestine those Jews who had survived. The armies on the eastern and the western fronts, and especially the Jews among them, were concurrently discovering the unspeakable crimes of Buchenwald and Auschwitz [[resp. the mass death in the tunnel systems]].

Perhaps a million Jewish refugees were alive in camps in Europe in May 1945. All those who saw them were overwhelmed by one conviction - that they must be given the kind of new life where they could never again be the object of the horrors that had been done to them. The survivors themselves were most vocal everywhere that they had to be allowed to got to Erez Israel (Ereẓ Israel) [[Land of Israel]], to take their place in an independent Jewish state. (col. 1058)

[[Other Jews were in households and not in camps; for the DP camps see, e.g.: *Displaced Persons, *Germany, and *Vienna. A big part of the Jewish survivors knew about the Arab war trap in Palestine and emigrated to other countries than Palestine - and racist Zionists had to admit that their Israel propaganda had partly failed...]]

The British, weakened greatly by the war, were even less affected and less resolute than they had been in the 1930s; the Arabs were at least as intransigent; the Jews, both in Palestine and elsewhere, were at the highest point of outrage and self-assertion in their entire history. Many intricate maneuvers in Europe, Palestine, and the diplomatic centers of the world resulted finally in the great debate before the United Nations in November 1947 on the future of Palestine. The Jewish Agency, even though it was not a government, was admitted to the debate as the representative of the Jewish people; it stood solidly for the legal and moral right of those to whom promises had been made in the Balfour Declaration and who had suffered so greatly in the recent past to a state of their own in the land which had belonged to their ancestors and in which they had already created much in the 20th century. The end result was a decision reminiscent of the proposals of the Peel Commission a decade before - partition of the land in an unworkable map. This time, however, nothing prevented the formal declaration by the Jews of their own state on the appointed day, May 14, 1948 - neither the ambiguous attitude of the [[criminal racist]] United States in the decisive stage nor the war against this new state which was begun by the Arabs both in Palestine and on its borders even before the formal declaration.> (col. 1059)

[Racist Zionist propaganda in the criminal racist "USA" since 1945]

[[The madness of a Jewish nationality (Jewry is a religion!) was transmitted now to the "US" government policy...]]

<The [[racist]] Zionist forces had a substantial impact on the White House and on Congress, which were responsive to public protest and pressure mounted within the democratic process, and they thus managed (1947-48) to influence the policy of the U.S. government despite the continuing opposition of the State Department.

The [[criminal racist]] United Sates also had to shoulder most of the burden of aid to the vast numbers of *Displaced Persons in Europe. The Jewish Agency asked for an immediate grant of 100,000 immigration permits, but Britain, embroiled in a fierce election campaign, was incapable of acting.

[[It seems the big reason was because of Arab nationalism which was suppressed since 1907 since the Turkish revolution. The racist Empire British government did not want to lead more Jews into the war trap of Palestine]].

Two months earlier, a change of leadership had also taken place in the U.S. Roosevelt's successor, President Truman, was anxious to help, and one of his first steps was the dispatch of an envoy to D.P. camps. The latter recommended resettlement of 100,000 stateless Jews found in the western zone of occupied Germany, and pointed out that "Palestine is definitely ... the first choice."

[[It seem this was said only to reduce the Jewish influx to the "USA". The main point that Jewry was a religion and not a nation was not solved...]]

This recommendation with Truman's backing, was sent to London, but the new prime minister, Attlee, could not see his way to accepting it, proposing instead a joint Anglo-American investigation of the entire problem. This was agreed upon in October 1945.

[Arab Higher Committee - Arab states in the UN - the new enemy of the Arabs are the criminal racist Zionist "USA" - Jewish troops coming back to Palestine - intensified civil war in Palestine - weak racist Empire Britain]

Uncertainty and conflicting pressures had their most damaging effect in the Middle East itself. The Arabs saw new danger to their hopes, raised high by the 1939 White Paper. A reorganized Arab Higher Committee was soon established. The Arab states' position as founding members of the new United Nations gave them a feeling of being able to sway political developments. Now they were incensed by America, even more than by Britain. There were violent demonstrations and attacks on Jews and foreigners.

On the other hand, the yishuv [[Jews in Palestine until 1948]] also found new strength in its very despair. Some 20,000 Jewish troops were beginning to return, well trained, many with war experience, having seen with their own eyes what happened to their brethren in Europe. They, and others in the yishuv, vowed "never again!" Acts of violence were becoming widespread. The (col. 1088)

Haganah, which in the past had concentrated on defense and on preparations for the day of decision, undertook action of its own. Soon the government, with all the forces at its disposal, found itself at war with the yishuv. The only respite came during the work of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, whose prospects, however, were prejudiced in advance by the new British foreign secretary Ernest Bevin, who from the outset left little doubt of his hostility.

The Labor government inherited a crushing burden of problems of which the Middle East was only one. [[Racist Empire]] Britain became unable to continue its imperial role. It was necessary to cut losses and safeguard only the most vital interests. Soon India was to be independent, after being split into two states [[India and Pakistan]], and other parts of the empire were to follow. So was Palestine, but at the end of 1945 and beginning of 1946 a way was still being sought to keep [[racist Empire]] Britain in control. Under pressure of immigration needs, a provisional monthly "schedule" of 1,500 permits had been decided upon for the duration of the discussions and it was stated, for the first time, that any proposed settlement would be brought before the United Nations.

[Propaganda tour of the Anglo-American Committee - British navy stops Jewish refugees - plan of a bi-national Palestine state]

The work of the Anglo-American Committee, which started in Washington in January 1946, continued in London and in other places in Europe, then in Jerusalem, Cairo, and a number of other Arab capitals, and ended in Lausanne in March.

It was conducted in a highly charged atmosphere. Large numbers of Jewish survivors of the Holocaust were being intercepted on the high seas by the (col. 1089)

British navy as "illegal" immigrants. Acts of violence in Palestine became a daily occurrence. So did Arab threats, especially after Husseini escaped from Germany on the eve of its surrender and appeared in Cairo. The Palestine Arabs mainly relied on the influence of the Arab states, whose willingness to assist them was proclaimed daily. It was inevitable that the inquiry should seek a compromise, and the final report turned not to partition but to its alternative: a bi-national Palestine state based on parity and under a United Nations trusteeship. To help in meeting pressing needs, 100,000 immigration permits were to be issued, if possible in 1946, and future immigration was to be based on compromise.

[No acceptance of a bi-national Palestine state - Arab actions - Jewish terror group Palmah destroys rail and road bridges - British searches and mass arrests - Jewish terror group IZL attacking the Ding David Hotel in Jerusalem]

With the exception of Washington, no interested party approved the recommendations. Britain's equivocations found expression in official statements and, even more, in Bevin's speeches. The Arabs saw their hopes for Arab rule in Palestine dashed. The Jews, though pleased by the opportunity of rapidly bringing in a large number of Displaced Persons, feared the prospect of unending strife with the Arabs and with the "Trustee", which they expected would be Britain. The breaking point was reached in June 1946, when, in a retaliatory action "Palmah (Palmaḥ) units destroyed a number of rail and road bridges in sensitive points, and the British government hit back by imposing a virtual siege on the yishuv: mass searches for arms and incriminating documents were carried out in hundreds of buildings, including the offices of the Jewish Agency; over 2,000 people, among them the member of the Jewish Agency and Va'ad Le'ummi executives were arrested. The life of the yishuv had been dislocated. In time, some of the detainees were freed, but over 700, including Agency and Va'ad Le'ummi leaders, were interned. A short time later, I.Z.L. blew up a wing of the King David Hotel in Jerusalem, housing offices of the government secretariat. The casualties, belonging to all communities, were heavy. The yishuv was shocked, and the Jewish Agency condemned the deed.

[New British and "American" partition plans]

Meanwhile attempts were made in Washington and London to proceed with discussions about the results of their joint inquiry. Another committee, headed by Henry F. Grady (U.S.) and Herbert Morrison (Britain) found it more advisable to go back to the principles of territorial division. It suggested the establishment of a Jewish sector, an Arab sector, and a British sector, including Jerusalem and the Negev, as an intermediary stage that could eventually lead either to a unitary state, to a bi-national one, or outright partition. Administration of common interests such as defense, foreign relations, communications, etc., was to remain in the hands of a British high commissioner. During the initial five years, he was also to appoint presidents of the legislatures of the Jewish and Arab sectors, and his approval would be needed for new legislation. Immigration would also remain under his control after the agreed 100,000 were brought in with American help. The implementation of the scheme as a whole was made conditional on American participation and Arab-Jewish consent.

[[It's never said why the racist Herzl booklet stating to drive all Arabs away and to enslave them was never discussed. It seems nobody revised this racist booklet which was the mental base for racist Jewish Zionism]].

There was little to recommend this latest compromise, which contained most of the drawbacks of earlier suggestions. Washington withdrew from it almost immediately, and there was much criticism in London. The Arabs insisted on all their original demands [[fearing racist Jewish Zionism to be driven away and to be enslaved]], and the Jews refused to accept the plan [[because they wanted Jerusalem for their own]]. Again,

[Conference ("London talks") in September 1946 - Jews and Arab Executive boycotting the conference - released racist Zionist and yishuv and Arab leaders for conference in 1947 ("second London talks") - reinforced activists on racist Zionist congress in Basle 1946]

London proposed a conference. The Jewish Agency was ready for it but not on the basis of the Morrison-Grady plan. The Arab Executive refused because its conditions (including the participation of Amin al-Husseini) were rejected. Thus, when the conference convened in September 1946 the main parties to the dispute were absent and only the British and Arab governments were represented. No progress could be made, and Britain (col. 1090)

suggested that the discussions be temporarily suspended for a further attempt to bring in the parties concerned. This was to take place at the beginning of 1947 in order to enable the Jewish Agency to bring the matter before the forthcoming [[racist]] Zionist Congress. To make things easier, the interned [[racist]] Zionist and yishuv leaders and a number of other internees were released. By then the Jewish Agency had again disassociated itself from the acts of violence, which were continued, however, by I.Z.L. and Lehi (Leḥi). Simultaneously, a number of Husseini's men were allowed to return to the country.

When the [[racist]] Zionist Congress met in December 1946 in Basle, it revealed a significant change in the internal situation. The Labor wing of the movement lost some ground, and within its ranks the activist elements had the upper hand. The [[racist]] American Zionists were led by Abba Hillel Silver, a supporter of a more determined policy. Furthermore, the Revisionists rejoined the [[racist]] Zionist Organization. As a result, the Congress refused to participate in the London talks, albeit leaving the door slightly ajar for later reconsideration. The idea of partition had enough support, but no initiative was to come from the Jewish Agency. Finally, the post of president had been left vacant, thus demonstrating the rejection of the [[racist]] Weizmann line.

[Bevin plan on London talks of January 1947 rejected by the Palestine Arab leaders - London presents the Palestine case to the United Nations on 2 April 1947]

It was the absence of the [[racist]] Zionists that helped the Arab League persuade the Palestine Arab leaders to take their seats at the second round of the London talks in January 1947. An amended version of the Morrison-Grady scheme was put forward by Bevin, designed to meet some of the earlier criticism:
-- cantonal self-government, for instance, in place of provincial authority;
-- a shortened period of trusteeship;
-- 100,000 immigrants in two years instead of one;
-- and no partition.

The Arab reply, however, was nevertheless a resounding no. This left things in a worse state than ever because it became obvious that the 1939 White Papers was also dead, a victim of the Holocaust, determined Jewish opposition, Arab conduct during the war and, finally, United States intervention. Left without an official policy, London turned to the United Nations on April 2, 1947. The purpose of this step was made clear in a statement before the House of Commons:
"We are not going to the United Nations to surrender the Mandate. We are going to the United Nations setting out the problem and asking their advice as to how the Mandate can be administered. If the Mandate cannot be administered in its present form, we are asking how it can be amended."> (col. 1091)

[The "agreement" of Weizmann and Truman for an "outlet" on the Red Sea]

[[The case was given to the UN now, and in New York direct demonstrations could be organized by the racist Zionists to impress the delegates]].

Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971), vol. 16, col.
                1059-1060: [[Racist Zionist]] Demonstration in New York
                for Jewish colonization of Palestine. Bevin is
                criticized on the posters, July 1947. Courtesy Zionist
                Archives and Library, New York.
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971), vol. 16, col. 1059-1060: [[Racist Zionist]] Demonstration in New York for Jewish colonization of Palestine.
Bevin is criticized on the posters, July 1947. Courtesy Zionist Archives and Library, New York.

[[Racist Zionist leader Weizmann gave all his force to insist that the "Jewish State" got a connection to the Red Sea blocking the Muslim world between Asia and Northern Africa. This "outlet" on the Red Sea was an anti Arab agreement between Weizmann and the racist white "US" president Truman]]:

<The Jewish Agency announce acceptance of the majority plan early in the debate. [[Racist Zionist leader]] Weizmann's speech before the committee left a profound impression. His role in realizing the ultimate decision of the United Nations in favor of partition and the creation of a Jewish state was of prime importance. Though out of office, for the [[racist]] Zionist Congress in 1946 did not reelect him as president, thus symbolizing its commitment to a more activist policy, Weizmann continued to work both in (col. 1094)

London and in New York for the creation of a Jewish state. He was particularly successful in moving and impressing President Harry Truman, from whom he secured the binding promise to support the partition proposal, including an outlet on the Red Sea for the proposed Jewish state.> (col. 1095)

[[For further details about UN and the preparation of the founding of a racist Herzl Israel as a "Jewish State" ("Jew State"):, see: *UN]].

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Sources
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1057-1058
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1057-1058
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1059-1060
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1059-1060
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1087-1088
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1087-1088
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1089-1090
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1089-1090
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1091-1092
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1091-1092
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1093-1094
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1093-1094
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol.
                        16, col. 1095-1096
Encyclopaedia Judaica (1971): Zionism, vol. 16, col. 1095-1096



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